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Guest post by Patricia L. Sullivan
During her recent trip to Africa, US Vice President Kamala Harris announced a $100 million commitment over ten years to West African Nations to fend off the increasing threat of extremist groups. The announcement followed President Biden’s pledge of $55 billion to the continent for the next three years. While these promises reveal a US commitment to greater engagement with African states, the often-dodged question is whether citizens of these states will benefit. Will US security aid improve human security in fragile and conflict-affected African states? How is US security assistance likely to affect governance and state repression for citizens that often suffer at the hands of both extremist groups and their own security forces?
The empirical record is mixed. Between 2002 and 2019, the US spent almost $300 billion on security assistance and trained at least one million foreign military personnel. In some countries, such as Ukraine, these programs have improved both the capability and professionalism of the state’s armed forces. In others, they escalated human rights abuses and increased the risk of coups d’état. Take the example of Kenya—one of the largest recipients of US military training and equipment in East Africa. The state’s security forces have been found to engage in torture, extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, and forced disappearances. Or the Philippines, where President Duterte employed the country’s military—armed and trained by US aid programs—in a brutal war on drugs that took the lives of thousands of civilians.
Although some studies have found that security assistance can reduce civilian targeting by state security forces, there is mounting evidence that it often fuels human rights violations. Recent research suggests that the risk of civilian harm is greatest when donors transfer weapons to postconflict states or provide aid to states with fragmented, “coup-proofed” security forces. On the other hand, effective institutions to constrain executive power in recipient states, and the provision of some forms of “nonlethal” security assistance—like military education for officers and defense institution building—appear to mitigate the potential for civilian harm.
As the War on Terror spread from Afghanistan to the African continent, the US greatly expanded the use of security assistance—funding, weapons, equipment, and training provided to a state’s security sector by external actors—to build the capacity of weak states to take on the counterterrorism mission without sacrificing American troops in ground combat. According to data collected by the Security Assistance Monitor, funding to train and equip foreign security forces increased more than 300 percent in the ten years following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Over the past two decades, the US has provided security sector assistance to more than two-thirds of the sovereign states in the world. Between 2015 and 2020, $4.8 billion in security aid went to sub-Saharan Africa.
While the goal is to reduce the threat posed by violent non-state actors, Kristen Harkness at the University of St. Andrews points out that most aid went to “repressive, heavily coup-proofed authoritarian regimes,” even though boosting military capacity in non-democratic states can fuel grievances that drive recruitment to extremist groups and increase political violence.
When “lethal” aid—weapons, military equipment, and combat skills training—reaches countries that lack effective institutional constraints on executive power, as in many autocratic and anocratic regimes, the risk of extrajudicial killings at the hand of security forces spikes, according to data that follows low- and middle-income recipients of US security force assistance between 2002 and 2019.
In the absence of effective legislative or judicial constraints, leaders can use military aid to buy the loyalty of their security forces and incentivize compliance with orders to repress dissent. Of course, lethal aid also directly increases the capacity of state security forces to quell civilian threats to the regime with force. Security assistance signals that a foreign patron is invested in regime survival. While soldiers ordered to use deadly force against the civilian population might experience moral conflict, or fear facing consequences for targeting civilians if the regime is overthrown, foreign security aid increases the odds that repression will succeed, the regime will survive, and soldiers will be rewarded for their loyalty.
One way to avoid the risk that US assistance increases human rights violations is to provide aid only to countries with effective legislative and judicial institutions. But many regions where extremist groups are active would offer a limited menu. An alternative is providing safer forms of aid.
Separating “non-lethal” security aid—a broad category encompassing professional military education, security sector reform, defense institution-building, and a variety of other types of assistance—from “lethal” aid—which includes material aid, direct combat assistance, and combat training—reveals divergent effects on state violence. While increasing lethal aid significantly raises the risk of extrajudicial killing, non-lethal aid appears to have a dampening effect. The exception is authoritarian states in which leaders have created overlapping and competing security institutions to “coup-proof” their regime. In these states, all forms of security assistance are associated with civilian harm. In post-conflict countries, one study shows that while weapons transfers and military aid increase human rights abuses, levels of Official Development Assistance (ODA) are associated with improved human rights protections.
Moving forward, as the US promises a new wave of security assistance to African states, it has a choice. Considering the recipient country’s institutional context, the state of its security forces, and the type of military aid, can decrease the risk that those resources are used to commit human rights violations.
Patricia Lynn Sullivan is an associate professor in the Department of Public Policy and the Curriculum in Peace, War, and Defense at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Director of the Triangle Institute for Security Studies.
In early February, I came across fountain pens made of titanium in our local pen group. After some discussion with the creator and developer behind f-inks, I checked the pens and agreed to do a full fountain pen review of their stainless steel pen. I only have a few metal fountain pens, and the ones that I have are either made of aluminum or brass. When I received f-inks' F1 SS316 fountain pen, I used a fountain pen that is made from solid stainless steel for the first time. The SS316 surprised me; it was love at first sight and more love at first write!
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| f-inks fountain pens are presented in a wooden box with etched art and the stylized "F" and ink drop logo. I like this box because it's sturdy and ensures the safety of the pen inside. It can also be repurposed as a pen box for several pens. |
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| Here's the F1 SS316 fountain pen inside the presentation box. |
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| f-inks F1 SS316 fountain pen, a sturdy, solid, and firm pen made of pure stainless steel. This pen is very smooth and glossy in person. The "markings" that you will see in some of the photos in this review are my reflection and some machine marks. |
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| The F1 SS316 has a minimalistic female shape, a shape that is comfortable to hold while writing. |
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| The F1 SS316 fills with ink through a standard international converter. |
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| Engraved on the cap's top is f-inks logo of ink drop and stylized "F" |
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| These are threading on the pen's section and barrel. Notice the thick stainless steel used on this pen. That means sturdy, solid, and (almost) unbreakable. |
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| Francesco uses #6 JoWo nibs on his pens at the moment, but he is open to using other compatible brands in the future, including using flex and ultraflex nibs. I got an elastic EF nib in my pen. |
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| From top: TWSI ECO Rosegold, Laban 325 Snow, F1 SS316, Sailor Pro Gear Slim, and Lamy Al-star. While the F1 SS316 shares almost the same length as the Al-star and ECO, it is shorter than the 325. |
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| Uncapped, the F1 SS316 is longer than the 325. |
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| The elastic EF nib wrote so smoothly! Instead of a simple one-sentence quote, I chose a longer text for this writing sample to check if I will have any discomfort. I'm glad to report that there was none, and it was an enjoyable writing experience. |
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| The F1 SS316 can also transform! You can swap the pen's nib with a pencil tip and voila! You now have a stainless steel pencil! These pencil tips are inexpensive and are easily available in stationery shops. |
Aside from being an award-winning advertising creative, Leigh Reyes is an avid pen collector. "The thrill of acquisition does fade, and in its place the joy of discovering newness in what one already owns glows more brightly," she writes on her website (https://leighreyes.com).
2. Imma Frias
Imma Frias started her calligrapher journey in 2013. She has been a calligraphy instructor since 2014, and penmanship in 2016. "Calligraphy is something that is therapeutic… once you get the hang of it, it’s actually soothing," she told The Lasallian a few years back.
Visit Imma's Instagram (@dyosaimma) to see her deeply satisfying works of handwritten art. At the Manila Pen Show's Saturday opening, Imma will lead a Handwriting Hangout at 10:30 AM. She will host Modern Calligraphy with Flex Pens on Sunday, March 19.
3. Lorraine Castañeda
On Lorraine Castaneda’s Instagram (@calligraphyspot), she calls herself a “Purveyor of calligraphy appreciation, teacher of beautiful writing, and a stay-at-home time traveler.” All those things are true: her beautiful handwriting would not look any different from a passionate love letter written in the 1800s.
On March 18, 3:00 PM Castaneda will be heading a talk on Fountain Pens for Kids of AllAges, proving it is never too early to start enjoying the art of handwriting.
If you thought fountain pens could only be used by those who write in elaborate script, you haven’t seen Clement Dionglay’s Instagram (@clemdionglay). Clement's occasional italic calligraphy and neatly written words in her stick-font style, along with her impressive collection of Lamy and TWSBI fountain pens are on Instagram. She also shares her fountain pen and ink reviews on Instagram.
5. Pao Alfonso
6. Toni Santos
Toni Santos’ Instagram feed (@toniscalligraphy) features her calligraphy, with thoughtful handwritten quotes and song lyrics that offer inspiration and occasionally humor. Other than being a pen collector, she also collects notebooks. On March 19, she will be heading a talk about Fountain Pens for Kids 7-12.
This article was distributed by MullenLowe MARC for the 2023 Manila Pen Show which is happening at the Holiday Inn and Suites in Makati City (5th Floor) on March 18-19, 2023, from 8:00AM to 6:00PM. A portion of the Manila Pen Show's proceeds will go to Save the Children Philippines and their Life-Changer for Children program. For a full list of exhibitors and speakers, schedules, and general updates, please check @manilapenshow and #manilapenshow2023.
The government of Guam has appointed a Commission on Decolonization, but U.S. control means that all of the island’s options, including the status quo, have substantial downsides.
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